Voting Rights Ruling not a Step Back | Cato Institute

Voting Rights Ruling not a Step Back | Cato Institute: "The only difference from the Section 5 regime is that the government will now actually have to prove the existence of systemic discrimination. If Holder can meet that standard, it will undermine the administration’s claim that the Supreme Court made it impossible to enforce voting rights. If he can’t, isn’t that a good thing?"

Fannie & Freddie vs. Wall Street? That's Wishful Spin | Cato Institute

Fannie & Freddie vs. Wall Street? That's Wishful Spin | Cato Institute: "If you combined the required capital for both Fannie Mae and Bank A, the financial system is still holding less than half as much capital than if mortgages were held whole on bank balance sheets.

Had all single-family mortgages been held whole on bank balance sheets in 2006, our financial system would have held over $210 billion in additional capital, not far off from the $205 billion obligated under TARP’s bank capital purchase program.

The primary function of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac has long been to allow banks an avenue for transferring the credit risk of their mortgages to the taxpayer."

Welfare for the Non-Poor | Cato Institute

Welfare for the Non-Poor | Cato Institute: "In 1965, transfer payments from the federal government were equivalent to less than 10 percent of all wages and salaries paid in the United States. As recently as 2000, that figure was just 21 percent. Today, transfer payments are equivalent to almost 35 percent of all salaries and wages. And these payments are not going just to the poor. In 1979, for example, more than 54 percent of federal transfer payments went to the poorest 20 percent of Americans. Today, less than 40 percent does.

And, if one includes payments to government contractors and salaries of federal employees, roughly 97 million Americans — 31 percent of the population — receive more than half their income from the government."

"the federal government spent almost $100 billion on corporate welfare last year"

"many of the loudest critics of welfare for the poor are the quickest to object when future Medicare cuts are discussed"

Coase and Immigration | Cato Institute

Coase and Immigration | Cato Institute: "The government is unable to determine an efficient tax rate to internalize the costs of production. Government agents have their own motivations and incentives that do not coincide with creating efficient Pigouvian Tax rates. Politicians want to get elected, which means they could support tax rates based on their constituent’s desires. Those constituents will have complex incentives that have little to do with finding a tax level that minimizes the costs of pollutions to an efficient level. Some bureaucrats will want higher taxes to extend their revenue while others will think it weakens their control if taxes replace command and control regulations. If a tax is imposed on carbon dioxide and it turns out to be based on a faulty understanding of the science of climate change, the government will not surrender a large source of revenue."

"Immigration from 1990 to 2006, at worst, decreased wages for a quarter of Americans by around 3 percent but raised them by over 1 percent for 75 percent of Americans."

"language assimilation proceeds very rapidly in the U.S., driven by the roughly 20 percent increase in wages that immigrants can expect from learning English"

What Should You Do if You're Threatened by a Mass Murderer? | Cato Institute

What Should You Do if You're Threatened by a Mass Murderer? | Cato Institute: “Of the pre-Columbine rapid mass murders,” he explained, “the average killing time was 11 minutes, (ranging from 2 examples of 4 minutes, to one example of 20 minutes). Among the known times of post-Columbine rapid mass murders, the average time was down to 8 minutes. Now the average killing time is only about 6 minutes.”

"The odds are that an officer won’t be able to stop much if any killing."

"Ron Borsch, with three decades of police experience, has reported many important findings about rapid mass murders. For instance:

Although the overall murder rate declined by about 50 percent since 1980, the annual number of rapid mass murders has nearly quadrupled since Columbine.
A rapid mass murderer’s apparent aim is to kill as many people as possible in a short period of time. Such killers are rarely interested in negotiation.
These killers tend to be cowards, because they generally favor gun-free zones where few, if any people, are likely to resist their attacks with force.
 Most common targets: 41 percent of rapid mass murder attempts occur at educational facilities — 31 percent at K-12 schools, 10 percent at colleges and universities, so killers prefer facing little children rather than big guys.
By comparison, 7 percent of rapid mass murder attempts occur at offices, 6 percent at churches, 5 percent at eating places, 5 percent at malls, 4 percent at factories, 4 percent at government offices, 3 percent at hospitals, 2 percent at grocery stores, 2 percent at post offices and 1 percent at bars and night clubs.
62 percent of rapid mass murder attempts are stopped by civilians on-site– not police based off-site.
76 percent of successful civilian attempts to stop rapid mass murder are initiated by one individual.
About two-thirds of civilians who stop a rapid mass murder attempt are unarmed.
38 percent of rapid mass murder attempts are stopped by police.
73 percent of successful police attempts to stop rapid mass murder are initiated by one individual."

"Governments can’t even keep illegal guns out of jails and prisons where government has more direct control over people than anywhere else."

"Survivors are most likely to be those who take initiative, try to protect themselves and fight if necessary."

Big Business, War, and Rothbard’s Class Analysis - Justin Raimondo - Mises Daily

Big Business, War, and Rothbard’s Class Analysis - Justin Raimondo - Mises Daily: "the biggest capitalists have been the deadliest enemies of true capitalism. For virtually all of the alleged social “reforms” of the past fifty years were pushed not only by “idealistic” Leftists, but by the very corporate combines caricatured as the top-hatted, pot-bellied “economic royalists” of Wall Street."